New Delhi – On August 6, 2025, the heart of Delhi witnessed a politically charged yet symbolically powerful dharna. Telangana Chief Minister Revanth Reddy, accompanied by senior Congress leaders including Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi, led a protest at Jantar Mantar demanding Presidential assent to two state passed bills both seeking to raise reservations for Backward Classes (OBCs/BCs) in education, employment, and local bodies to 42%.
The protest, backed by INDIA bloc parties such as the DMK, SP, and Left, reignites a national debate that is both legal and emotional: how far should caste based reservation go in modern India?
This article explores the legal, political, and social dimensions of the Telangana OBC quota push without agenda, only facts.
The Bill: What’s at Stake?
In March 2025, the Telangana Assembly passed two landmark bills:
1. BC Reservation in Education and Employment Bill
2. BC Reservation in Local Bodies Bill
The move followed the state’s scientific caste census (SEEEP survey) which concluded that Backward Classes constitute 56.36% of Telangana’s population. The state government claims this justifies increasing OBC/BC reservations to 42% beyond the current 29% to ensure proportional representation.
However, since this would push overall reservation beyond the Supreme Court imposed 50% cap, the bill requires Presidential assent and may eventually need constitutional backing, possibly through the Ninth Schedule or a legal exception.
The Legal Puzzle: Can 42% Stand?
The Indra Sawhney judgment (1992) capped caste based reservation at 50%, except under extraordinary circumstances. The court said merit must not be excessively sacrificed for social justice.
Yet, precedents exist: Tamil Nadu has 69% reservation, protected under the Ninth Schedule.
The Maratha quota (58%) was struck down by the Supreme Court in 2021 due to lack of compelling justification.
So, Telangana’s plan hinges on whether its caste survey data and state specific backwardness qualify as “extraordinary circumstances.”
If not, the law is vulnerable to judicial challenge.
The Protest: Political Unity or Political Move?
Chief Minister Revanth Reddy labeled the BJP led Centre as “anti OBC”, alleging deliberate delay in granting assent. Rahul Gandhi called it a “test of the Constitution’s soul,” arguing that reservation based on updated caste data is essential to realize Ambedkar’s vision.
But critics, particularly the BJP, counter that this is vote bank politics, especially with the Telangana civic polls and Lok Sabha elections approaching.
They also allege that:
10% of the proposed quota is reserved for Muslims under the BC category, reducing space for Hindu OBCs.
Congress, which didn’t implement such bold measures while in power nationally, is now using caste justice as a last mile mobilization tool.
The Case For 42% OBC Reservation
1. Caste Census Justifies It: The SEEEP survey offers hard data not speculation showing OBCs are underrepresented in higher education, bureaucracy, and local politics.
2. Democratic Representation: Supporters argue reservation ensures access to power, not just opportunities especially in decision making institutions historically dominated by upper castes.
3. Legal Exceptions Exist: States like Tamil Nadu and Karnataka have successfully passed laws with higher than 50% quotas using constitutional workarounds.
4. Social Justice Vision: The move is seen as a step toward fulfilling Article 15(4) and 16(4) of the Constitution enabling the State to promote the interests of socially and educationally backward classes.
The Case Against 42% OBC Reservation
1. Violates Supreme Court Cap: Without Ninth Schedule protection, it risks being struck down. Courts have consistently emphasized the importance of balancing social justice with meritocracy.
2. Creamy Layer Misuse: The existing creamy layer limit (₹8 lakh income) is outdated. A significant portion of OBC benefits are cornered by the well off leaving the truly backward behind.
3. General Category Burden: With cutoffs for OBCs already near General Category levels in many exams (like NEET, UPSC), this increase may disproportionately squeeze GC students.
4. Fake Caste Certificates: Multiple states report fake OBC certificates making implementation a bureaucratic nightmare. Critics argue no new quotas should be allowed without strict verification reforms.
5. Ambedkar’s Silence on OBC Quota: Dr. B.R. Ambedkar focused primarily on SC/ST reservations. He never explicitly supported OBC reservation, nor permanent caste based quotas making political usage of his legacy debatable.
Beyond Telangana: A National Storm?
Telangana’s 42% push may open the floodgates:
Bihar and Karnataka have already published caste based population data.
Congress and allies in the INDIA bloc are planning a national movement for caste census and quota proportional to population.
BJP, traditionally cautious about quotas, now faces pressure to redefine its OBC narrative.
Meanwhile, the EWS quota (10%) for General poor, though upheld by the Supreme Court, has not addressed deeper frustrations among economically weak GC youth many of whom feel left out of both opportunity and sympathy.
Conclusion: More Than Just a Number
Telangana’s 42% OBC quota isn’t just a state issue it’s a litmus test for India’s reservation policy, caste politics, and constitutional balance.
IF PASSED:
It could set a precedent for states across India to demand higher quotas based on caste surveys, upending the decadesnold 50% cap.
IF BLOCKED:
It could fuel fresh debates over centralization vs federalism, and whether India’s reservation system is due for reform, reset, or rollback.
In the end, this isn’t just a fight between political parties or castes. It’s a deeper question India must confront:
How do we ensure justice for the backward — without creating new layers of injustice?
